Research Summary

Violeta B Lopez-Gonzaga


Table of Content

Elements of the Input Package

Poverty Group Organizing

Credit Assistance

Marketing

Structure Building

Linkaging and Advocacy

Capacity Building and Education

Empowering People for Development: PUMOLUYO, the People's Organization

Farmers and Farmlands Profile

Paradigm Shift: Technology & Skills Transfer as Keys to Cultural-Ecological Change

Towards People Initiated Forest Resource Restoration: the Case of Upland Basak

From Illegal Logging to Environmental Protection and Advocacy: Life History of Marcos Flores, a Barefoot Environmentalist

Natural Resource Management Systems

Looking Ahead

Threats and Weaknesses: Within and Without

Pro-active Measures to Address Present and Future Concerns

Conclusion

Appendix

The Survey Profile of the Studied Communities

Social, Demographic and Ethnic Profile

Living and Health Conditions

Socio-Economic Status and Resource Base

Extent of Environmental Rehabilitation and Conservation Initiatives

Problems Affecting Livelihood and Environmental Programme

Development Perception

Bibliography

The current buzzword in environmental resource management is the community-based approach.  Community-based environmental monitoring and management (CBEM) is hailed as a key strategy in realizing sustainable natural resource protection and restoration.  Yet, to date, there is a dearth of studies, whether qualitative  or quantitative, which delineates the socio-economic and political context under which it best operates.  This study fills in this research gap through documentation and analysis of a sustainable  process of people's organization empowerment and mobilization for environmental protection and restoration.

To date, existing Philippine programmes on environmental protection, particularly the information and education components, both formal and informal, have made little dent at the grassroots level.  Proof of this are the findings of the 1992 Social Weather Station (SWS) survey of Public Opinion of Environmental Issues.  The SWS survey reveals that awareness and support of critical environmental concerns like the total log ban issue, is associated with higher socio-economic status, education, and urban residence (Social Weather Station Survey, April 1992).  An analysis of the SWS survey finding notes that resistance to urgent environmental concerns is strongest in the  Visayas - 28, compared to + 38 score of Luzon, and + 26 for Mindanao (cf. Arroyo and Sandoval 1992).

A cursory survey of prevalent approaches to information campaign on environmental protection has focused largely on urban and town-based, literate groups.  The media used for communicating vital information resource on the environment have largely catered to middle and upper income, and/or educated groups.   Also, the carriers of the environmental message have largely come from the educated or elite social class, based in the national capital.  The continuing rapid destruction of the country's forest, mangrove and aquatic resources is an indicator that the global, Manila-centric  environmental advocacy programmes of the past DENR administration and national AGOs, have not made any visible impact on the critical mass on the  ground - the pumuluyo, katawhan, masa.

The study on which  this summary finding  is based documents a successful instance of people empowerment and mobilization for sustainable  resource use and management, initially funded by the Canadian International Development Authority.

The research on the subject, People-Initiated Environmental Resource Conservation or "PIERC" called for documentation and then an in-depth understanding of the confluence of factors  and events which led to the present level of environmental awareness and commitment to natural resource restoration of the case study group.  In order to arrive at the description and analysis of the community's socialization processes several sets of key informant (KI) interviews and group process diagnostics (GPD) were conducted.  These tools were also used to generate data for the description and analysis of the local community's resource management paradigm.

Other than these qualitative data collection techniques, participatory rapid appraisal  and social survey were also undertaken with volunteer members of the people's organization under study as co-partners.  Triangulation of the data was carried out through documentary research, and the use of life history method.

The island of Negros, particularly the Occidental side, is known for the persistence of semi-feudal  relations rooted in the hacienda system.  Prior to the rise of non-government organizations in the late 1980s, the grassroots communities comprised of the hacienda workers, marginal fisher folks and upland farmers are virtually powerless.  As this writer's previous studies have shown, (Lopez-Gonzaga 1983 a, b) the rural poor are completely dependent on their amo for their existence from  birth until their death.  Owing to the monocrop economy of the island, hunger is a chronic problem.  Dependent on the vagaries of the world market price for sugar its principal crop, Negros would cyclically experience a serious socio-economic, political crisis.

A major crisis in Negros, which was set in motion by the declaration of authoritarian rule by Ferdinand Marcos, reached its peak in the mid-1980s.   Under Martial Law, Marcos deliberately put an end to the power base of the Negrense elite by establishing  a sugar monopoly.  Their fortunes further suffered a fatal blow with the collapse of sugar prices in the world market, and the crisis in the management of the sugar industry controlled by the Marcos crony, Roberto S Benedicto.

As a result of the crisis, planters lessened the areas in which they planted sugarcane.  In effect this also lessened the demand for labour.   Those who suffered most from the crisis  were the poor labourers (mill and hacienda workers) who depended on the sugar industry.  Malnutrition became a major problem, placing Negros in the harsh international spotlight.

The inability of the existing regime to respond to the worsening socio-economic crisis prompted the formation of several non-government organizations or NGOs in the 1980s.  Ironically, the failure of government provided the impetus for the emergence of a more flexible, less bureaucratic, and more creative structures which allowed for active participation from the grassroots.

Despite the emergence of the NGOs, it was clear that the capacity  of these new NGOs to meet the development challenge was still weak.   Thus, there was a great demand for either strengthening existing capacities of institutions or organizing new structures to respond to the social and economic problems.   From 1986 to 1987, there were few NGOs in Negros with the capacity to utilize substantial financial assistance for livelihood projects, flowing in from international donors.

Though there were a number of NGOs already existing at that time, mostly cause-oriented, (products of the oppressive Marcos regime which moved many people and sectors to action), these groups were hesitant to go into livelihood programmes.  They were afraid it would dilute their advocacy for basic structural changes in the local, national socio-economic, and political system.  The sudden upsurge of aid in Negros compared to other provinces in the Philippines which were in a far worse situation, led some analysts to associate the funds with the United States' Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) strategy.

Due to widespread hunger, military abuses, labour disputes and other forms of harassment, Negros became fertile ground for the insurgency movement, a stronghold of the NPA.  Its southern region comprised of the towns of Candoni, Hinobaan, Ilog, Cauayan, Kabankalan, and  Sipalay became known as the CHICKS area, a hot spot, or rebel stronghold.

There was a lot of room for NGO work in the south but there were no takers.  It was considered too risky to operate in these areas due to the peace and order situation.  Nobody was willing to go beyond Kabankalan to provide their services.

The municipality of Cauayan is one of the thirty-one municipal political units (five of which are categorized as component cities and the rest are municipalities) of the province of Negros Occidental.  Located in the southern part of the province, Cauayan belongs to the geographic-economic zone accronymed as the CHICKS area.  The municipality is bounded on the north by Ilog; northeast by Candoni, east by Sipalay; south by Sulu Sea; and, west by Panay Gulf.  Like the other CHICKS municipalities' topography, the  municipality is dominantly of rugged terrain, admixing with some lowlands and coastal areas.  The Poblacion, is exactly 113 kilometres far from Bacolod City, the provincial capital.  It has a total land area of 519,940,000 sq.m. (or 51,994 has).  It is composed of twenty-five  barangays with land areas ranging from 878,100 to 51,210,130 sq.m.

The major economic resource of the municipality, like the other towns in the CHICKS micro-region, is agriculture, that is, farming and fishing.   Food sufficiency (rice, corn, vegetables, rootcrops, bananas) and cash crops (also rice, sugar, some fruit trees [coconut, mangoes]) are produced -- multi - and inter-crop -- in uplands, midland and near coastal lowlands.  Fishing is also dominantly engaged in by significant population living in the coastal ecozones.  Majority of both farmers and fishermen are marginal agricultural producers.

The municipality is not only dominated by traditional agricultural production but also by  high degree of landlessness.  Thus, most of the landless population are agricultural and other rural job labourers.  Marginal farmers and fishermen also do odd jobs during lean periods in their major form of livelihood.

Cauayan, like the rest of the CHICKS municipalities, which are pre-dominantly upland and mountainous, was once rich with forestal natural resource.   However, owing to massive logging, large-scale charcoal production and rampant slash-and-burn upland farming in the past years, said forestal resources were enormously denuded -- decimated of other biological diversity.  What remains today are bald mountain ranges interconnection almost all barangays.  Most of these are inhabited with sparse cogonal grasslands.  A few clusters of secondary growth forests and newly growing trees could be seen in some of these mountain ranges.  Erosions occur and the results of these are found in several upland areas, does siltation which is found in the rivers and coastlands.

With this given geographic, environmental and economic base, the municipality of Cauayan is classified as a highly marginal, third class municipality.

The non-governmental organization which spurred the community-based environmental rehabilitation and conservation in the upland region of Cauayan, the Paghidaet sa Kauswagan Development Group, Inc. (PDG), was founded in November 1987.

The people responsible for establishing PDG came from two different backgrounds -- NGO social development work, and the basic Christian Community formation or (BCC) locally known as Kristianong Katilingban (KK).  The local BCC organized communities in the upland barangays of the Kabankalan.  Their organizing revolved around the propagation of the faith and the practice of such in their daily lives.  BCC is strong in raising the socio-political consciousness of the people, an attribute developed effectively through their Panimbahon (Prayer meeting), whence members discuss passages from the Bible, relating these to actual events and the state of things around them, including their environment.

Notwithstanding a lack of preparation to carry out the functions of an NGO, the founders decided to push through with its formation because of the relationship  they had developed with the community they intended to serve.   It also forced them to work with their clients, planning and strategizing with them, giving them hands-on training in managing their affairs.

The PDG sees poverty as the main problem of those in the rural areas.  As such the environmentally crisis is viewed by the PDG as mainly a problem of the stomach.   It classified the poor in the rural areas  into several poverty groups as a) landless rural workers (further identified as farm labourers in the coconut, sugar, and grains [rice and corn] industry and those living along the coast and in the town centres who sell their labour for livelihood); b) marginal upland farmers and forest dwellers; c) marginal lowland farmers; d) artisanal fisherfolk; e) small vendors and   micro-entrepreneurs.

Despite the fact the those belonging to these sectors comprise the majority (estimated by PDG to be  from 75 to 90%) of the rural population, they have not been able to press for a better lot from their landlords, the traders and money lenders, and the government and its agents (LGUs, courts, military, police).   This has resulted in their inability to meet their basic needs like food, clothing, shelter, education and health.  Government institutions like the judiciary and services sector, flawed as they are, make their lives even more  miserable.  For example, to pursue  a case through the judicial system requires time and money.   Given their  chronic cash shortage and intensive agricultural work,  the pursuit of justice is something they generally deem beyond their means.

The hold of the traders over the farmers stem from the capital intensive technology the latter employ.  The *p-3X depressed, on the local money lender for their needed farm inputs.  This ties the farmers to the local money lender who extends his clout by being the local trader who dictates the price of the produce.  The farmer cannot escape  this cycle.

Government support services cannot reach these people whose homes are located in far flung interior hamlets, far removed from the line agency offices in town centres.  The other  consequences of the lack of government presence is the lack of basic services, such as education and health.  The inability of the poors lack of adequate health services has led to chronic illness which  further drains  an already stressed income.

PDG believes that there are two main explanations for this failure: 1) many of the programmes implemented have been palliative in concept and design, and 2) programme implementation have been problematic due to lack of sincerity (corruption), lack of capacity (incompetence), and gross disregard for people's participation.

The Socio Programme  for Institution Building (SEPICB) of the Parish of Isio was PDG's first involvement in a wide-range development programme in terms of areas and household covered, scope of intervention, and magnitude of financial resource available.  PDG, therefore, viewed it as an opportunity to pool together in one programme, members with varied development  experience and theoretical preparation and exposure.  This had to be done in order to try out new development approaches or replicate successful ones.  PDG opted to use a process-oriented approach to programme implementation which lent itself more to experimentation, and allowed for revisions and redesign of the strategies as the programme progresses.

The following are the different elements of the empowerment input package: community organizing, credit assistance, capacity building, technology accessing, structure building, linkaging and advocacy.

During the organizing process, it is emphasized that the poor will share ownership of the beneficiary support fund among themselves while the programme staff merely served as its steward.  It is part of the strategy not to allow the staff to be viewed as resource holders in order that organizing work will not be hindered.

The organizing process is used as a vehicle for the poor to recognize the power in their number.  Through praxis the group goes through a series of action and reflection: analysing, planning, mobilizing/implementation and evaluation starting from simple issues (like livelihood project) to larger and more complex issues like negotiations to end evacuation and hamletting which would involve more than their own  group.

Financial assistance is to address, in part, the control of local money lenders over the rural producers.  In this way, the poor will be in a position to organize themselves and plan concrete steps to address inequitable appropriation of rural produce by traders.

Appropriation by local financiers of produce is mainly done through   marketing -- directly, by buying  at lower price rural produce because   of the producers' inability to control prices and indirectly, by selling consumer goods at higher prices.  An important  aspect of the over-all strategy for empowerment was to enable the poor, through their organization and  their  programmes, to regain control over the appropriation of their produce.   This is  expected to free the poor from the clutches of the traders and local money lenders who generally wielded not only  economic  but political power (through key elected government positions) in many rural areas.

A multi-sectoral federation is envisioned because collaboration among various sectors, living in different but inter-related ecological zones or resource base (upland, lowland and coastal), is necessary to come up with an effective strategy to address environmental degradation.  The ecological problem could not be solved by one sector alone.  For example, the problem of coastal fisherfolk over the decline in catch due to the destruction of the coral reefs is related not only to abusive and destructive practices of upland farmers which cause soil erosion and siltation in the coastal zones.  The poverty groups  thus feel more embowered if they know that they have allies from other sectors also ready to address  the ecological problem.

Under this component, PDG has assisted the community in linking up with agencies such as academe, municipal government, and other alliances such as the peace group.  The tie-up with the school system, for instance, is expected to further enhance their social status and their ability to produce knowledge by making them resource persons in the classroom.

In addition, the federation's participation in MDC activities will also help change perceptions of municipal government officials about the poor.  On the other hand, it gives opportunities for the poor to prove their capacity to deal with other sectors of society.

The basic  method used is inductive and experiential.  There is less emphasis on formal training than in drawing lessons from their own experiences.

Being part of the BCC, the education programme is grounded on Christian philosophy, in particular, the Theology of Liberation.  The BCC provides a framework and ideology for the poor to participate in shaping history.  This philosophy has been very successful in encouraging voluntarism among them, despite their poverty.

Through PDG's initiative in partnership with the Parish, programmes for people's livelihood, marketing, and agricultural technology, the credit assistance started in 1989.  Barely two years after, in early 1991, a Federation of sectorally organized   groups spread all over the six barangays under the  Chaplaincy of St. Francis de Borgia named Pugad sang Mainuswagon nga mga Organisasyon sang Pumoluyo (PUMOLUYO), was formed.  In 10 June 1992 it was registered with the Bureau of Rural Workers (BRW) of the Department of Labour and Employment.  This multi-sectoral group include small and upland farmers, fishermen, microentrepreneurs and other marginalized landless  rural workers.  To date, PUMULUYO has approximately 800 individual and household members.

The PUMULUYO members were  chosen on the basis of only one broad criterion -- poverty.   As a multi-sectoral poverty group, the members are either landless rural workers -- mamumugon (Mg), sustenance fisherfolks -- magagmay nga mangingisda (Mi), marginal   lowland and upland farmers -- mangunguman (Mn), marginal  vendors and microentrepreneurs.  These sectoral aggravations are found in all  the six barangays under the coverage of the Chaplaincy of St. Francis de Borgia.  In the studied villages of Basak and Isio, the following sectoral groupings statistic are indicated : In Bgy. Basak, of the 65 members, 49 are Mn and 16 are Mg. In Bgy. Isio, of the 250 members, 15 are Mi, 40 vendors, 26 Mg, and 169 Mn.  While in both aforesaid barangays  for instance, where majority of its members are mangunguma (Basak and Isio have 75.4% and 67.6% of Mn, respectively), the Federation claims that its Mn members own or control very minor land areas compared to those non-members.  For those farmer-members, they cultivate rice, different kinds of rootcrops (such as cassava, camote) and vegetables.  The majority of those who cultivate rice manage their farms either as share tenancy croppers, leaseholders or those with certificate of land transfers (CLTs).  For those in Bgy. Basak, almost all the 35 members who are cultivating rice are categorized in the above.  In So.. Hunob, Isio some 50 members own small farm lots and/or leaseholders  to their ricelands.  Other farmers cultivating rootcrops and vegetables most often do not legally own the lands they harvest.  They control their lands simply as occupants or just have a mere usufruct right over it through a declarations because most often they cultivate these type of crops in the hillsides or the uplands which are believed to be public lands or alienable  and disposable.

The members of these livelihood organizations come mostly from the ranks of the Kristiyanong Katilingban but it is emphasized by the community organizers (CO) that membership should not be limited to those who are active in the Katilingban.  There are no restrictions based on religion, they need only to be poor.

By design, the PUMULUYO became a venue for collective action where the poor can actively participate in deciding how to meet their livelihood needs.  It also serves as a forum in addressing the underlying cause of their poverty.  The empowerment strategies employed, awakened and heightened the awareness of the organized people about their deteriorating environment.  As the poorest in the organized communities, they have come to realize, in particular, that the worsening state of their environment, especially the forest added to the poor soil condition or the decreasing fertility of their farm lots; the poor soil condition then decreased their production every year; and, their decreased productivity added up to their impoverished state.  They have realized this web of economic and environmental relationships through both intensive and will extensive training and seminars they received in the process of being organized.  With the seminars and training they have undergone diverse social processes ranging from self-discovery, to soil and water conservation, to alternative agricultural technology, to environmental awareness and to leadership skill development and organizational management, the organized community gradually gained a deeper understanding of their cultural ecology.  Some members, in particular, pointed out that the farmer-members  (Mangunguma) articulated and discovered more indigenous knowledge in the farming system and forestal resource conservation and management.

In March 1991, the PDG phased out of the PUMULUYO communities after seeing to it that the necessary institution building had been achieved.  However, the PDG remains a partner and consultant of the PUMOLUYO.  On its part, the PUMOLUYO continues forming community associations.   Among the associations formed during this time were the mangunguma (Mn) or the farmers and the mamumugon or the rural workers in Bgy.  Basak.  In Bgy.   Isio, more associations of Mangingisda or fisherfolks have also been formed.

The Federation continues to push for the strengthening of its programmes and services.  For its programmes it has sustained its thrusts on sustainable  agriculture, marketing, natural resource rehabilitation, organizing, linkaging and health.  For its services, the propagation and intensification  of MASIPAG technology in the province has been attended to.

In the case of its sustainable agriculture programme, PUMOLUYO advocated and adopted the MASIPAG technology: Mga Magsasaka at Sayantifiko Para sa Ika-unland mg Aghaam Pang-Agrikultura.  In Negros, this was conceptualized as Mainuswagon nga Alyansa para sa Pangkabug-usan nga Inisyatibo Padulong sa Sustenido nga Agrikultura or MAPISAN (it also means industrious in Ilonggo), designed not only to provide an alternative farming system for farmers, but also a change of ethos regarding the environment, and the economy.  As adapted in Negros, MAPISAN makes use of crossbred traditional rice varieties, organically produced fertilizer (instead of the  inorganic), and pesticide.  MAPISAN farming system leads to soil replenishment  and  fertility and consequently high-yield because of non-use of chemical inputs.  It seeks to develop appropriate farming technology while increasing productivity, and lessening  the farmers' production cost.  With the knowledge and skills gained from intensive training at UP Los Banos, plus the seed varieties the members brought home, along with re-echo training and trial farms establishment for MASIPAG, seeds test were made.  Today, MAPISAN training and seminars are no longer confined to the PUMOLUYO communities but have been extended to a number of municipalities in the province as well as to the neighbouring island of Panay.   MAPISAN rice varieties are now being consumed by the farmer-members and propagators in the community.

Most of the rice farmer-members of PUMOLOYO are adopting the MASIPAG or MAPISAN, an ethnoscientific agriculture which has been developed by active collaboration of three strategic sectors: the social scientist, the farmer scientist and the natural scientist.  Its development dates back to 1980, and was  especially promoted at the University of the Philippines at Los Banos (UPLB).  It gradually gained the attention of the people's organization when it was launched in 1986.  The core of MASIPAG technology is on the propagation of MASIPAG rice varieties.  these were traditional rice varieties overshadowed by the high-yielding varieties (HYV) promoted under the Masagana 99 programme of the Marcos government.

After the training, the participants to the seminar supervised the testing of the 108 MASIPAG varieties to a farm with an area of 35 leased by the PUMOLUYO federation in Bgy.  Masaling, one of the six villages of which it is part.   It must be noted that the 108 varieties from UPLB were sent to the area ahead of the training, although it was said that ever since it has been the policy of MASIPAG Board not to give any seed variety if the farmer-participant has not yet received or completed the minimum training required of participants.

The trial was conducted to determine which, among the 108 varieties, would adapt best to local conditions like weather, terrain soil type, farm condition (irrigated or not) and other factors.  It involved the meticulous observation and recording of the plant adaptation to different conditions.  Trial farming still continues, particularly in Basak and Isio.  It has shown potential in its trial phase.  Accordingly, it has good yields without the use of fertilizers and was also resistant to drought and pests.  The seeds attracted farmers from the different barangays in the chaplaincy  that wanted to avail of the technology.   What attracted the farmers was the resistance of the rice varieties  to drought, and that they did not require the use of fertilizers and pesticides.

Given this positive reception, farmers (especially the members of PUMOLUYO) from the different barangays were trained in the MASIPAG technology in October 1992 at the compound of the Chaplaincy of St. Francis de Borgia in Isio, where the PUMOLUYO holds  office.  The training was given in three days, and was conducted by the technology committee of the Federation.  It must be noted that the technology which was formed in 1990 by the Federation is the committee tasked to search for sustainable agriculture, appropriate farming technology and other eco-friendly approaches.

In the process, the Federation through its technology committee, was able not only to give training to their fellow  farmers and members of the different farmer-groups around but also to other areas in Negros Occidental to train other farmer groups and  interested agriculturalists.  Levels One and Two of the training course were the scope of training provided.  In 1993 until recently, they have trained groups of farmers in 30 sites of 16 municipalities.  They have also established MASIPAG  trial farms in these 30 farmers' villages.  Today the  recipient farmers  and individual farms adopting MASIPAG.

Based on the analysis of the researcher, MAPISAN as adopted by PUMULUYO, has (evolved into a form of socio-cultural counter-revolution, a process which promotes sustainable agricultural development, and ultimately empowerment among the agricultural sector.  With the Basic Christian Community groups as a base form of social organization, MAPISAN has evolved as an alternative paradigm for the upland farmer and coastal folk members.  Equipped with a different world view and ethos regarding the relationship of man and nature, and man in society, as  well as a healthy self image, the MAPISAN counter culture as  imbibed by the PUMULUYO members has brought about the transformation of local  communities in Cauayan).

With  regard to its organizing  thrust, the PUMOLUYO continues to strengthen its sectoral base and form new ones.  This is done through education via trainings and seminars they provide to these target members.

To effectively pursue its environmental advocacy, aside from pushing its eco-friendly rice farming system in the form of MAPISAN, the PUMULUYO Federation bought, and water developed a 9.5-has. forestal lot in Sitio Bel-at for its community resource management thrust.  The Federation members decided to acquire the rights to the land, and set it for reforestation to bring about some form of environmental preservation, meet the need to preserve the forest ecosystem especially through the propagation of indigenous tree species... For the Federation, the derive to realize this particular thrust is not just to have access to some forestal land resources, but also to acquire the necessary territorial control in order to effect their vision.

At the time of its acquisition, the Bel-at communal forest resource, was completely deforested.  Key informants, especially the communal forest's care take disclosed that it was covered by grass or congonal lands, devoid of big trees as an end results of charcoal making and shifting cultivation.  Only a few native agoho and some connote trees were  existing.   By May 1991, barely two  months after it was bought, the acquired land has been planted to trees: 7,000 acacia seedlings, and 2,500 gemelina.  In the month of   May, the planting of the acacia was done consecutively for three days by the Federation members especially those of the Mamumugon (farm labourers), and Mangunguma (small farmers) members in Bgy.  Basak, as well as the active and available members of the Federation from the other (5) barangays, namely, Masaling, Tuyom, Yao-yao, Camalanda-an (NARRA settlement) and Buclao.  The three day communal tree planting activity was supported through the rice subsidy programme of 15 sacks (9 of  which were rationed accordingly to those members who participated in said   endeavour;   the 6 was  decided by the group themselves to be sold to the members for the Bgy.  Basak Mangunguma and Mamumugon's sectors fund raising) by the Broad Initiatives for Negros Development (BIND), one of the NGOs in the province who, at that time, assisted them in this manner.  Presently the trees growing in the communal lot are all thriving, with some reaching the height.

During the same year (1991), the So. Bel-at communal nursery was established with Nong Macking as the Federation's caretaker.  He started with the propagation of commercial trees with some 1200 gemelina; 500 of these seedlings were planted in his own farm lot, and 700 at the communal lot.  In 1992, around mahogany, 100 plus ipelina tree species were also  propagated, all are planted in the same communal lot.  During this period, Nong Macking who actively took care of   the communal forest did not only propagate these commercial tree species but also   experimented on how to propagate indigenous tree varieties.  Early in 1993, his trial-an-error field experiments, which he started in 1992, began to yield fruits.   At the  Bel-at communal nurseries, Nong Macking was able to grow 224 indigenous forest trees, mostly classified as dipterocarp, and some molave (hardwood) type of trees.  To dated, he continues to propagate seedlings of other indigenous species which he gathers from  the few remaining forest strip in his community.  Some of these indigenous trees which were already planted at the communal forest, while remaining hundreds of seedlings are still to be transplanted.

An estimate of approximately 5,000 of these indigenous seedlings were successfully grown.  In addition, around 1,5000 of acacia abanica were also propagated, attended to solely by Nong Miacking , tasked by the Federation to look after the communal nursery because of his ability and proximity to take care for the communal forestry.  His successful experience in propagating indigenous (forest) trees in indeed an experience in serendipity.  As Ely Patriarca, field researcher notes,

Aside from soaking the seeds in a basin of boiled water, the outer covering skin of the seeds are scraped (scarification) in order to make it thinner especially in portions where the embryos go out.  This is one way of assisting for the immediate growth of the plants.   Usually this method is done not only for seeds which have been soaked in a boiled water but after 15 days do not show any sign of germination like the ipelina seeds.   Examples of indigenous trees that usually undergo these two preceding processes are anunay and alawihaw.  Nong Macking ensures that these particular species are propagated as well, because aside from being hard wood trees, he says  that, these species are becoming extinct in the village and its periphery...

While communal forestal resources do  not have any legal title, or any form of stewardship agreement granted by the State, the federation's community forest serves as a prototype of a communal resource successfully managed through the initiatives of peoples' organization committed to a kind of environmental redemption reflective of the peoples' political will.

Among the PUMOLUYO members' prime environmentalists, Marcos Flores, is the person credited with the successful rehabilitation of their communal forest resource.   As previously mentioned, since 1989, Macking has been designated by the Federation as caretaker of the Sitio Bel-at communal forest resource.   Though an avowed environmentalist now, Non Making actually started out as an illegal logger in the mid-1960s

As a migrant in Bel-at in 1965, he engaged in Kaingin, recounting that at the time of his move to the sitio, it was then thickly forested, Kag ang mahawan lang ang ginatamnan (the areas that we clear, were those planted).   To engage in upland farming, they have to practice kaingin or slash -and-burn agriculture.  The areas cleared with cut trees were then readied to be planted with corn and other upland crops.  Shifting cultivation was the name of the game for everyone at the time, he stressed.  In 1967, he married a daughter of one of the earliest settlers.  As a source of livelihood for his family, he worked on the Pangaingin, and logging.  Illegal logging became a rampant activity in the Sitio during this period.  Accordingly, there was a logging contractor (in this particular case it was his uncle, who at the same time taught him how to cut trees).  The contractor was the one who facilitated this forest resource extraction activity, selling the logged trees to a town-based Chinese capitalist.

Tree cutters like him were paid by board foot.   Depending on the kind of trees cut, they were paid 25 centavos per board foot for the gisok  log and 15 centavos for the duka.  Hard wood was priced higher.   He engaged in this kind of economic activity for four years, until 1971.  In 1973, he and his family settled at Hinoba-an, the southernmost municipality of Negros, where he engaged in farming on a  shared tenancy scheme.  He remained a marginal producer and could not yield a better crop from the poor soil, thus he again engaged in pang-lagare (lumber cutting sawing).  It was there where he was approached by a certain forest guard popularly named Pantaat.   He was assigned to do the logging in the mountains of Bantulilaw and Ga-as.   During these  years, the mountainous forests became his socio-economic base.   Many times he said, they stayed in the forest for weeks just to cut down trees.

In 1980, he ended his logging association with Pantat because of gold panning.  He joined the bandwagon for gold prospecting, earning as much as Peso 1,000 per week.  In 1982, when the gold rush subsided; he went back to lumber sawing with Pantat.  This time antat was connected with the Insular Lumber Company (ILCO) operating in the area.  He was engaged in a more serious logging operation.  He avers for instance, that his  group used to stay in the forest sites for three straight months.  Given this long duration of stay in the forest, he developed malaria.  Yet, despite all these adversities in life, he developed one skill, the ability to identify the kind and species of trees found in the forests.  He stopped logging in 1984 because of malaria.  He went back to farming but did not press on with it because of his inability to support his family just through farming.  In 1984, he engaged himself in panaggot (tuba/coconut wine extraction).  His income through this economic activity was relatively better and could now support, at least, his family.  He earned not lower than Peso 400 a week.   Tuba also relieved and cure him of his malaria fits.   All he did to relieve himself of his early morning fever and shakes, was to drink tuba until he got drunk.  Being drunk he could not any more feel his sickness.

In between the period from 1989 to 1990, sectoral formation of the PUMOLUYO's members -- mangunguma and mamumugon -- underwent a pendulous shake until it gained some momentum.  Some prospective members were adamant to join and support the sectoral group for fear of outside intrusion.  In 1991, when the two sectors gained some stability in the barangay, the Bel-at nursery was established, in order for the mamumugon to keep on planting trees.  During this year, Nong Macking was elected a selda (cell) leader.  Also during this year, an increase in the membership especially of the mamumugon was noted.

Nong Macking having been a selda (group) leader of the Mamumugon (Mg) in Bel-at was later chosen to be the caretaker of the So. Bel-at communal nursery.  From 1991 onward, he developed another skill (aside from tree species identification as a result of his long years of experiences as mango lagare), the ability to plant and propagate trees especially indigenous tree species found by others to be difficult to grow in normal conditions.

When asked how he was transformed 180-degree, he enumerated the following experiences he had that heightened his environmental awareness:

Apart from turning their community reforestation site into eco-learning centre, the PUMULUYO has also spearheaded in seedlings generation and transplanting of trees among the Federation's farmer-members farm lots in Sitios Batbat, Mantamilok, Salakay of Bgy.  Isio and other neighbouring barangay-communities.  They also established nurseries in Isio and Basak.  Other than this reforestation projects, and the adoption of MASSIPAG technology as an alternative farming system and means for natural resource rehabilitation, the PUMOLUYO members also empty soil and water conservation measures such as contouring, rock wall construction as soil in addition, some Federation members (particularly those who are involved in the technology committee) serve as trainers-environmental messengers, sharing principles they practice in managing their own resource base.  As shared by Oping, a member of the technology committee and a MAPISAN trainer the following is the system they follow in natural resource conservation:

In a group process diagnostic conducted in the course of the study, the kabulig, council, and some leaders of the sectoral groups were asked to share their future aspirations for themselves, their organization and their community.  Their aspirations of the future as a group, can be categorized into four aspects: domestic concerns, social-cultural environment, physical and natural environment, and organizational concerns.

Their main household aspiration is the desire for better living conditions.  This is expressed in their hope for a more permanent livelihood source, or the chance to engage in business ventures that will enable them to have better income.  With their increased income, they could provide for the basic needs of their families like food, clothing, shelter and education.  It will also allow them to save for emergency needs without having to resort to money lenders.

They also see that if their children have better education, this will increase their chances of getting better paying jobs.  Through education, they could also improve health practices and lessen the incidence of sickness in their household.  This will also promote the use of indigenous remedies like herbal medicine and accupressure in curing illnesses.  In turn, this will lessen leakages in their household income because they do not  have to  buy medicines, and the money can be used for other family needs.  They also aspire to see their members adopt activities which promote environmental protection and conservation.  They also see themselves as getting more involved in gainful activities like planting vegetables for   consumption.  This will not only promote health but will also result in additional income.

The group dreams for its members to live the Christian way of life based on love and justice, that their community would live in harmony and extend help to their fellow members in need.

They also hope to see an end to the usurious practices  in the area.  They dream of achieving this by putting up an alternative market for the poors' produce and by introducing technology that is not capital intensive.

They also want to see  more  active participation in local governance.  This they intend to achieve by putting people in government who they believe could promote the interest of the general public.

For their physical environment, their hope is to see the mountains once more covered with trees.  They want to see, through reforestation, soil erosion contained and fertility regained and other natural resource, like springs, revived or sustained.  They also see the protection and restoration of the environment through the use of technology that promotes sustainable agriculture, a technology that is environment friendly and does not require the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides.

For the marine life, they  envision increased fish population in the area by putting an end to the illegal activities of the big fishing vessels.  This they hope to achieve through advocacy and pressure on the local government to implement fishing laws.  They also want to rehabilitate the coral reefs which were damaged by these illegal activities and the forest denudation.

The establishment of a strong People's Organization that has the capacity to build up other POs is their dream for the Federation.   Their organization is to have a permanent and sufficient source of funds to sustain its operations, with people capable of managing and performing the task needed by the organization.  They aspire to have linkages with other organizations in order to gain additional knowledge, funds and experiences.  They also envision the organization as a venue for the people to have a voice in decision-making at the local level.  It must be an organization that continues to respond to needs of their members.

Being a young organization, having been in operation for only four years, the PUMULUYO  Federation faces many problems which need to be solved, and weaknesses that need to be strengthened.  Organizationally, it faces the problem of not having enough financial resource to sustain its operation and to finance its activities.  Though at present the Federation has an asset worth about Peso 2.9 million, the current officers and staff are realistic enough to admit that they can easily use this up if they do not   invest it properly.  They do not feel confident that their present strategies could sustain them in the long term.  Among the five committees that the Federation maintains, only the marketing  committee and its consumer store  component earned money for it.  Last year, the combined earnings of these two committees amounted to Peso 159,930.30.

The non-permanence of people in the organization is another major problem.  They are afraid that the sense of voluntarism of the current leaders of the Federation at the community level might wane in the future.  These are people in whom they have invested time and money so they could acquire the skills needed by the Federation and the area based groups.

Of the 34 area-based groups that the federation has as members, only 21 are active, meaning they hold regular meetings for planning and assessment.  The inactive groups are characterized by their inability to meet regularly as an organization.  These area-based groups need constant guidance from the kabulig to run their organization.  Still, these groups can be mobilized if their participation is needed by the Federation.  Left on their own, however, these area-based groups are dormant.

The weakness of these groups may be traced to the fact that the seminars and trainings only reached the leaders of the area based groups; the members cannot avail of these opportunities.  Due to time constraint in implementing the programme PDG concentrated on strengthening the Ad Hoc Board which eventually became the staff of the Federation.  This has resulted to a situation where most of the skills and training were concentrated at the kabulig level and it did not seep into the base membership of the Federation.

Outside the Federation, sporadic encounters between the NPA and   the armed forced foster among the residents a sense of distrust and paranoia, especially those who live in the uplands.  The threat of full-scale conflict curtails individual efforts of the residents to improve their lots.  They fear having to leave what they have started.  They instead continue with the less permanent livelihood -- which is a main cause for the destruction  of the natural resources.  Also, the task of organizing poor residents in the area still continues to face opposition.  They are suspected of being fronts for the rebel movement.  Trees are likewise a constant threat of forced evacuation (though in 1994 this has become a more remote possibility) of communities which they have invested time, money and effort to organize.

The lack of local government support for their efforts, like the reforestation project they are implementing on their own, which has likewise used up their own financial resources, has also been a point of discouragement.  They noted the half-hearted attention given by the local government to the implementation of the New Local Government Code, specifically  the section which provides for the participation of the private sector in local governance, as an indicator government neglect.  They want to ensure that the government stay on their side by sponsoring a candidates' forum where candidates are made to present their platforms.  They also conducted a voters' education campaign to guide voters in choosing  their candidates.

To address the current threats the Federation faces, they have started to pursue some pro-active measures.  To meet the problem of funds to support its operation, they have established the cooperative store.  The store provides the funds needed for the monthly allowances of the kabulig, though its income is not enough to support other expenses incurred by the Federation, such as the financing of their advocacy endeavours.

They have also initiated in-house training, conducted by the  kabulig to enhance the skills of their council, the members of whom they intend to tap as second liners.  This training is intended to be a regular undertaking of the Federation.

There has also been some conscious effort to establish links with organizations and agencies beneficial to their Federation, like the UP Los Banos, for technology.  They are likewise in the Haribon Foundation's mailing list.   Under the action research undertaken for this project, the Federation with the sponsorship of the Institute for Social Research and Development (ISRAD) acquired basic skills to undertake social survey and participatory rapid appraisal.  In the true spirit of participatory research, ISRAD shared a significant portion of its research grant received from the Department of Environment Natural Resources to fund the communities move to operationalize community resource management.  Working with the field researcher, Ely Patriarca, the PUMULUYO undertook a series of dialogues with key actors -- the Community Environment Natural Resources Office (CENRO) in  Kabankalan which has jurisdiction over the upland resource base which they want to manage and control, barangay officials, and local direct resource users.

With regard to the proper accounting of their expenses and their finances, they have asked the assistance of PDG for training and the setting up of a workable system.

This study documented and analysed a successful instance of people empowerment and mobilization for sustainable resource use and management, that of the PUMULUYO Federation of Cauyan, Negros island.

The documented process of people empowerment delineates the action of a non-government organization, the Paghidaet Development Group which views the environmental crisis in the Philippine countryside as mainly a problem of   the stomach.  Chronic overty in southern Negros is explained in terms of interrelated factor  like the poor's inability to access productive resources and government assistance for basic infrastructure, social services and marketing facilities, distance from the centre of power and capital, and rapid degradation of the province's natural resources which has decreased productivity, population pressure, insurgency and counter-insurgency, and exploitation rural economy.  In turn, the worsening state of the environment is a result of poverty which has led the poor to use destructive   forms of resource extraction like kaingin, carabao logging and charcoal making, as a survival strategy.  These persistent problems were addressed using the process-oriented approach with the following as elements of the empowerment input package: community organizing, credit assistance, capacity building, technology accessing, structure building, linkaging and advocacy.  In brief, capital input, technology and skills transfer, as well as strong value orientation, brought about the empowerment of   the community under study.

As an empowered group, PUMOLUYO successfully adapted and has become a key advocate of a sustainable farming system, the MASIPAG technology.   Naming  it MAPISAN (industrious in Ilonggo), their alternative farming system has evolved into a kind of cultural revolution as it entails  a change not only of technology but also world view and ethos about man and his relationship with the environment and society.  Under MAPISAN, a revival of cultivation of threatened traditional rice varieties is pursued, as well as the use of organically produced fertilizer and pesticide.  MAPISAN farming system leads  to soil replenishment and fertility and consequently high-yield because of non-use of chemical inputs.  In the consolidated 55 hectares farmlands in Basak valley, key informant  farmers estimate that arraign 90 percent of them have adapted MAPISAN, a farming system which seeks to develop appropriate technology  while increasing productivity, and lessening the farmers' production cost.

In terms of natural resource rehabilitation, the Federation after a series of reflection and group dynamics  on the  continuing  destruction of their environment, bought the rights to two forestal zones for their communal reforestation.  They planted exotic tree species such as mahogany, Gmelina and also threatened indigenous species.  They also established nurseries, and spearheaded in seedlings generation and transplanting of trees among the Federation's farmer-members farm lots, and other neighbouring communities.   Other than these reforestation projects, and the adoption of MASIPAG technology as an alternative  farming system and means for natural resource rehabilitation, the PUMOLUYO members also employ soil and water conservation measures such as contouring, rock wall construction as soil protection for their hillside farms.  In 1993-1994, the PUMULUYO Federation served as key actors on the ground in the implementation of the mass environmental education information programme.  This programme was designed by the researcher, to popularize and contextualize urgent environmental messages and programmes of the Department of Environment Natural Resources.

In all, the experience of PUMULUYO points to the greater efficacy, viability and sustainability of the people-based environmental education and rehabilitation.

Appendix

To determine the subject-community's profile, a survey of the PUMOLUYO's   sample members was conducted in the course of the study.  A conservative sampling frame of 90 percent level of confidence and 5 percent sampling error were adopted.  All in all, a total  of 143 respondents (Rs) were interviewed in the two villages of Isio and Basak.  Of the total number of Rs, 113 are member-residents of Brgy.  Isio and 30 of Brgy.  Basak.  The extreme unevenness  of Rs distribution for the study was due to the fact   that the total number of PUMOLUYO members residing in the two barangays, considerably more members are living in Isio than in Basak.  The total number of members residing  in the latter is approximately one-fourth of the total number of members residing in the former.  An interview schedule was the instrument used for this particular research methodology.

Given the extreme unevenness in the distribution and concentration of the respondents, Brgy.  Isio was subdivided -- individually or regrouped -- into several sitios (smaller quasi-political units within a barangay) with corresponding ecozones and number of Rs, that is, Talangnan and Mantamilok -- a lowland coastal with some hillsides (29), Tawtawan, Batbat and Salakay - uplands, mountainous, hillsides (22), Bangilid -- hillside (9), Isio Proper -- lowland, coastal and sociopolitical centre (18), and Panas - an -- coastal  or seaside (16).  Basak, although it is composed of several sitios, was not anymore subdivided and regrouped because of its small number of respondents, i.e., 30 and the surveyed sitios were seen to have common geographical characteristics -- uplands or hillsides.

The average number of household (hh) members in the studied community is almost six (5.94), save upland Basak with a mean of 7.00.  The majority have nuclear household composition with 74 percent.  Working age group (15 to 64 years) has a total mean of 3.68, with Isio Proper having 4.06 which when related to the hh mean number of members corresponds to approximately 62 percent.

By religious affiliation, overall, based on multiple response, almost 98 percent of the Rs are Ramon Catholics.  This is not surprising considering that the Rs are members of a larger church-initiated people's organization, the PUMOLUYO.

In terms of mobility, nearly half of the Rs households had experienced (within) intra-provincial migration, that is, within the Sitio, barangay, municipality and province, often once or twice.  Key information data reveals that for those 21 percent who had experienced intra-provincial migration, most of them came from the northern municipalities of Calatrava, Tobosa, Escalante and San Carlos City.   Reasons cited for migration are socio-economic in nature such as, for work related (25%), poverty (18.33%) and far from the needed social  services like school, market, etc. (16.67%).  A significant 11.67 percent cited peace and order situation.

Overall, the Rs households are becoming sedentary lot as indicated by a mean of 15.33 years in their present residence, with Panas-an residents with the longest stay having the highest mean of almost 19 years.

Most of the Rs claim to be natives of Ilongo speaking places  particularly in Negros Occidental as evidenced by a high statistic of 86.33 percent and the remaining percentage have disclosed to be natives of Cebuano-speaking places in the province other than in Cebu.  However, participant observation data points out that most of the people in the studied communities speak a mixture of Cebuano and Ilongo or are dominantly more Cebuano phonetically and linguistically.

Based on a multiple response question, 98.6 percent of the Rs households rely on wood for fuel while the rest in some instances on kerosene and charcoal.  The majority of the Rs claim to source their drinking water from Bubon or well (57.34%).  Those living in the lowland coastal and near coastal hillsides most often source their water from the same type of source.  In the mostly upland Basak, significant number of Rs households still rely on spring (33.33%).  The unavailability of spring water especially to uplands and hilly communities may be explained by the observed fact that most of the springs found have totally dried up if not declining during summer.

In terms of lighting facilities, kingki or kerosene lamps are used by almost 84 percent of the Rs hh.  Some 22.38 percent have the access to electricity particularly those in coastal areas along the national highway where electricity is available such as Isio Proper (66.67%).

Housing materials for most of the Rs are made of light and temporary materials such as kawayan or bamboo (95.8%), kahoy or wood (65%), pinawod nga lukay or shingles of coconut leaves (62.2%) and lubi  or coconut lumber (59.4%).   From an observation data source, the seemingly high demand for connote lumber is a result of the vanishing wood products once abundant in the nearby mountains and corollary prohibitive of lumber products.

The studied sites are typical  of any rural communities in the country in terms of  latrine facilities are concerned.  More than half (51.1%) resort to buho or an open pit for their toilet.  Some 24.4 percent claimed to have the flush and 23.7 percent disclosed to have none at all.

On health aspects, in a multiple response, Rs claim that the most common illnesses suffered by their households are ubo, sip-on and hilanat (70.4%) and trangkaso, kataro, sakit ulo (65.5%).  For treatment of medication, Rs claim to consult surhanos or herbolaris (52.9%), a private doctor and hospital (each with 35.0%) and home or self medication (25.7%).

In terms of income source, almost 74 percent have at least one hh member having a mainsource of income and 51.75 percent of the same having secondary sources.  For those with main sources of income, half (50.7%) small farming and related activities, with particular high concentration especially in the uplands of Brgy.  Basak (86.2%) and lowland valley of Hunob (84.2%), and fishing and related activities with 16.9 percent, with particular high presence in coastal Isio Proper (55.6%)  and  coastal Panas-an (50.0%).  For those who have indicated having secondary income, farming and related activities run high with 31.9 percent and other unclassified odd jobs with 21.7 percent.

Average income from the main sources for all the studied communities is 995 pesos, with the particular upland Basak having the highest mean with 1178 pesos and the lowest is coastal Panas-an having a mean of 77 pesos.  Average income derived from secondary sources have an overall 633 pesos, with Isio Proper having the particular highest mean of 1100 pesos and Panas-an the lowest with 348 pesos.

To augment the given primary and secondary sources of income for the studied communities, Rs claim to have some poultry and livestock raised in their backyards.  In a multiple response, 85.3 percent claimed to raise chicken; 81.1 percent, swines and 44.0 percent goats.  Some minority raised carabaos (especially for farmers) with 32.1 percent and cow with 21 percent.

Training and other learning enhancements availed by the Rs includes, Human Resource Development/Livelihood  and other skills development (39.9%), health related seminars (28%) and others claimed to have attended but were not able to identify (17.5%).  Some 28.7 percent claim to have attended no training at all.  When asked who provided them with  such support, in a multiple response 95 percent attributed it to NGOs, POs and other private groups.  Some 12 percent identified the providers as government organizations.  Most of the trainings availed by the Rs where given from 1989 to 1993.

Of the 142 Rs in all the studied sites, 69.7 percent disclosed to have no lands at all.  (In particular, high incidence of landlessness is captured in So.  Panas-an with 93.7 percent disclosed to have no lands).  For the remaining 30.3 percent with lands, 51.3 percent claimed to having land areas below one hectare and 30.8 percent with two and more land hectarage.

For those 30.3 percent (41 Rs) with lands, the crops they cultivate are the planted commercial trees such as ipil-ipil (15 Rs), corn (13 Rs), coconut (10 Rs) and rice (7 Rs).

For those  69.7 percent (or 99 Rs) legally landless, of the 90 Rs who responded to question whether they have some access to others lands, 57.8 percent said yes.  Of the foregoing percentage (52 Rs), 27 used it through tenancy and 12 free use.  Of the 51, out of 52 Rs, 88.2 percent claimed that their accessed lands have areas below one hectare and the remaining percentage above one hectare.   Crops planted  by Rs, in a multiple response, are maize (81.1%), other rootcrops (81.1%), vegetable (60.4%) and rice (41.5%).

To question on whether Rs adopt MAPISAN (rice) farming technology, of the 130 Rs, only 21.5 percent disclosed affirmatively.  For some 59 Rs who explained the reason why they do not adopt MAPISAN, 70.0 percent said they do not cultivate rice because they do not have ricelands.  Very minor (6.8%) indicated that they have  not adopted yet but have the plans to adopt it.

For those 102 Rs who do not adopt MAPISAN, 51 Rs with lands or access to lands, stated otherwise.  Some 43.1 percent completely do not adopt any technology related to farming.  Some 17.6 percent plant trees to prevent soil erosion and 11.7 percent use in organic fertilizers and pesticides.

In reply to a question asked on how to preserve soil, of the 95 Rs, 40.0 percent  claimed to resort to composting and 30.5 percent contouring.  But 32.6 percent do not have any means of preserving the soil.

In one respect, for the Rs whose main source of livelihood, is fishing or fishing-related, a question was asked concerning their fishing equipment.   Of the 44Rs, 65.9 percent stated banca, 22.7 percent, other portable equipment and 22.3 percent have no fishing equipment at all.

Individual Initiatives.  A huge majority being 83.9 percent said yes to the question on whether they plant trees.  In particular, 60.8 percent plant trees in their farmlands, with the exceptions of Isio Proper and Panas-an whose majority of Rs have not planted trees having a percentage of 77.8 percent and 87.5 percent, respectively.  For those who have planted trees in the forest or to some public lands, 40.6 percent claimed yes.

To question on whether Rs do something to control soil erosion, 36.4 percent said yes and some 48.9 percent observed soil resting (following).

Especially for the respondents living in the (or near the) coastal areas, only 3.5 percent claimed to have participated in bakhaw (mangrove) planting.

To the question asking whether Rs helps in preserving the planted trees, 74.1 percent said yes.  But beyond tree planting activities, only 11.9 percent claimed to be engaging in  other activities related to the preservation of the environment.

Organizational.  To question on what PUMOLUYO organization environmental activities did Rs participate, 57.8 percent claimed to have participated in the tree planting of the communal forest especially those in Bgry.  Basak where 89.7 percent of the Rs have claimed to have participated for such.  Other activities participated for such.  Other activities participated and promoted by the Rs are: on environmental education (51.2%), nursery establishment (42.1%) and seed collection for seedlings propagation (23.1%).

To answer the question as to whether there are problems affecting Rs farming   half (50.7%) said yes and the remaining  none.  For those with problems in their farming, these include, deteriorating production yield/poor production (37.7%), calamities and pests attacks on crops (29%) and financial problem and/or lack of farm implements (11.6%).

A follow-up question was posed on what steps have been taken  by Rs to solve their problems.  Some 31.8 percent pointed out doing something to maintain and  protect our environment and adopt sustainable from of agriculture.  Another 23.8 percent believe to use in organic fertilizer and pesticides   (for those with problems on low production yield).  Some 14.3 percent do not indicate any steps in order to solve  their problems.

To question on whether environmental awareness programmes have brought problems to Rs, 41.7 percent said yes.  For these Rs, the problems are: Lack of resources such as land, seeds, time, and money (35.7%), slow and hard to implement programmes because of technical problems, laborious and absence of cooperation (16.1%).

Individual for most of the Rs, they perceived that a person with progress is the one who is industrious and hardworking (60.4%), has a regular source of livelihood (14.4%), is able to meet the basic needs of the family (8.6%) and knows how to plan or has some technical know how (5.8%).

Community.  For most of the Rs, a community is in progress if the people are organized, actively participating in group's undertakings and helping with one  another (79.0%), if the community is peaceful (8.3%) and the standard of living is improved (8.3%).

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